Liu, Q. T., & Chung, A. Y. (2023). The Reconstruction of the Cosmopolitan Imaginary: Chinese International Students during the COVID‐19 Pandemic 1. Sociological Inquiry.
Although viewed as belonging to both Asian and Asian American communities, Chinese international students’ experience of discrimination in the U.S. during the pandemic is distinct from those of both long-term immigrants and native-born Asian Americans. The traditional scholarship on Asian/American racial citizenship does not fully explain the intersectional interplay of race and nationality on their sense of non-citizen “Otherness” between nations and the impact on their worldview. We want to highlight that the societal reception to specific immigrant groups has been influenced by not only the social standing of the group within the host nation but also by the geopolitical positioning of their sending nation to the host nation within the world order (Le Espiritu, 2003; Ong, 1999).
Studies on transborder migrants and western-born Asian return migrants suggest that resident citizens in their ancestral nation may also question the national loyalties, sexualities, opportunism, and even class-privileged positionality of nonresident migrants in the diaspora (Chung et al., 2021; Wang, 2016). During the global pandemic, transborder migrants have occupied this growing liminal space between countries in a manner that further distances them not only culturally but also, socially and politically from the worldview of resident citizens in both countries.
In the meantime, the scholarship on cosmopolitanism provides an analytical entryway for understanding the post-colonial features of the western global imaginary today, but they leave open the question of how cosmopolitanism can also be used as a way to reclaim a sense of identity and belonging for diasporic migrants who traverse the borders of developed and developing nations. Our article explores the possibility of a critical cosmopolitan imaginary among international students apart from its colonialist or Western imperialist roots (Mignolo, 2000) and instead, as a reclamation of the nationally liminal aspirations and identities of Asian international students throughout the processes of transnational mobility (Martin, 2021).
Methods
The data for this article come from 16 semi-structured interviews that were collected by phone, remote conferencing, and in-person meetings from spring 2020 through spring 2021 at a university in upstate New York. All the interviews were conducted in their native language–Mandarin. Given the changing disease control policy in China, the political transition from the Trump administration to Biden administration, and the shifting geopolitical dynamics between the two global powers, we later conducted six follow-up interviews in November 2020, January 2021, and May 2022 to track new developments and validate our main findings. The time period for this study is critical in understanding how the cosmopolitan identities and viewpoints of Chinese international students have evolved in response to unusual mobility restrictions and rising ethnonational rhetoric in both U.S. and China. Our interviews generally ranged from 30 minutes to 2 hours in length and we used the grounded theory approach to conduct data analysis.
Findings
The study explains how international students navigate their increasing racially and nationally liminal status between nations and national categories of belonging, particularly during times of crisis. First, the worldview of Chinese international students in the U.S. is conditioned by pre-migration cultural frameworks and geopolitical positioning within the global order–in this case, growing tensions between China and the U.S. that have the potential to create disjunctures between their understanding of race and the dynamics of racial formations in America. This historical disconnect explains some of the contradictions scholars have observed in the solidarity of foreign-born Chinese against anti-Asian hate yet indifference or opposition to affirmative action, Black Lives Matter, and President Trump–all of which were hotly debated during this period (Linthicum, 2016; Poon & Wong, 2019). Our findings suggest that being caught within a “liminal” space makes it challenging for transborder migrants to make sound connections or establish broad solidarity with other Asians, Asian Americans, or other BIPOLC (Black, Indigenous, and People of Color) groups. All of this points to the urgent need for greater, not lesser, education on the multiple and interconnected histories of subjugated groups around the world. Future research may explore to what extent other white international students–such as Russians who themselves come from a country that currently has tense relations with the U.S.—fear backlash to the same degree as non-white immigrants.
Second, because of their nation-less status as diasporic migrants during this period, Chinese students unexpectedly encountered significant pushback from their home government and even hostility and resentment from many fellow citizens–all of which exacerbated their insecure positionality as in-between citizens. Consequently, Chinese international students interpreted and responded to hardening racial and national borders during COVID-19 from the perspective of both displaced racial minorities and transborder migrants. Recent events in China–particularly President Xi’s increasing authoritarian control over the country–may further distance Chinese transborder migrants abroad from their resident compatriots back home (Huang, 2022; Ni, 2022), even as their disconnect from the racial politics of America contributes to their further national liminalization. Future research may explore to what degree this increasing sense of dislocation may explain the conservative ideological bent of Chinese diasporic communities from local communities in the host countries as noted by other pundits (Jiang, 2021; Liu, 2005).
Third, the current body of scholarship suggests that the younger generation of Chinese– whether at home or abroad–are instilled with a strong sense of nationalist loyalty (Wong, 2022), and other studies (Fan et al., 2020) do indicate that discrimination increases Chinese overseas students’ support for authoritarian rule back home. But we find that a broadly sweeping discourse of hyper-nationalism or alternatively, Western colonialist approach to cosmopolitanism oversimplifies their complicated and individualized relationships with their country (Martin, 2021; Wong, 2022) and how it may be taking shape within a post-national global context. Increasing exclusion and dislocation from both US and China have pushed students into a position that both straddles and transcends this nationally and racially liminal space between both countries. As a strategy to overcome this disadvantage, our participants have reappropriated and renegotiated their “cosmopolitan imaginary” in ways that have further alienated them from the official nationalist rhetoric of both countries but resisted “the will to control and homogenize” under the dictates of Western colonialism and modernization (Mignolo, 2000). In the process, they have reclaimed an ideal stripped of its colonialist connotations and used it to reassert their rights and privileges as transborder migrants. If these national divides persist, the question remains which countries will ultimately benefit from the incorporation of highly skilled migrants through greater social acceptance, flexible citizenship policies, and competitive work opportunities.
Overall, our study argues for a more critical approach to international education that does not merely reproduce the nationalist frameworks of the Global North or South nor overlooks the hegemonic effects of post-colonial legacies and global inequalities in shaping migrant experiences. This task will require greater scholarly and public attention to the wide range of transborder migrants and refugees who have been trapped in between competing nations, parties, and ideologies in the post-COVID era.
References
Chung, A. Y., Jo, H., Lee, J. W., & Yang, F. (2021). COVID-19 and the political framing of China, nationalism, and borders in the US and South Korean news media. Sociological Perspectives, 64(5), 747-764.
Fan, Y., Pan, J., Shao, Z., & Xu, Y. (2020). How Discrimination Increases Chinese Overseas Students’ Support for Authoritarian Rule. 21st Century China Center Research Paper, (2020-05).
Huang, K. (2022). ‘Runology:’ How to ‘Run Away’ from China. Council on Foreign Relations, June, 1.
Jiang, S. (2021). The call of the homeland: Transnational education and the rising nationalism among Chinese overseas students. Comparative Education Review, 65(1), 34-55.
Le Espiritu, Y. (2003). Home bound: Filipino American lives across cultures, communities, and countries. Univ of California Press.
Linthicum, K. (2016). Meet the Chinese American immigrants who are supporting Donald Trump. Los Angeles Times, May, 27.
Liu, H. (2005). New migrants and the revival of overseas Chinese nationalism. Journal of Contemporary China, 14(43), 291-316.
Martin, F. (2021). Dreams of flight: the lives of Chinese women students in the West. Duke University Press.
Mignolo, W. (2000). The many faces of cosmo-polis: Border thinking and critical cosmopolitanism. Public culture, 12(3), 721-748.
Ni, V. (2022). ‘Run Philosophy’: The Chinese Citizens Seeking to Leave amid Covid Uncertainty. The Guardian, July, 20.
Ong, A. (1999). Flexible citizenship: The cultural logics of transnationality. Duke University Press.
Poon, O., & Wong, J. (2019). The generational divide on affirmative action. Inside Higher Ed: Admissions Insider.
Wang, L. K. (2016). The Benefits of in-betweenness: return migration of second-generation Chinese American professionals to China. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 42(12), 1941-1958.
Wong, B. (2022). The Complex Nationalism of China’s Gen-Z. The Diplomat, June, 19.
Author bio

Qing Tingting Liu (tliu20@albany.edu) is a Ph.D. candidate in the Sociology Department at SUNY Albany. She has been serving for AAAS Social Science Caucus Council as a Social Media Coordinator for more than 2 years https://sites.google.com/view/aaas-socsci/home. She is also affiliated with the University of Melbourne – Asian Cultural Research Hub (ACRH) https://arts.unimelb.edu.au/school-of-culture-and-communication/our-research/groups-and-resource-centre/asian-cultural-research-hub-acrh/our-members. Her research interests include migration, globalization, race and ethnicity, intersectionality and youth culture. Her dissertation project is about Chinese Working Holiday Makers in Australia, aiming to explore how temporal liminality affects their identity as Chinese diaspora living in Western society. For the detail of her profile, please see https://www.linkedin.com/in/qing-tingting-liu-251bb6181/ .

Angie Y. Chung is Professor of Sociology at the University at Albany, a 2021-2022 U.S. Fulbright Scholar, and former Visiting Professor at Yonsei and Korea University. She is author of Saving Face: The Emotional Costs of the Asian Immigrant Family Myth and Legacies of Struggle: Conflict and Cooperation in Korean American Politics. She is currently writing a book manuscript titled Immigrant Growth Machines: Urban Growth Politics in Koreatown and Monterey Park based on research funded by the National Science Foundation. She has published in numerous journals on race/ ethnicity, immigration, gender and family, ethnic politics, international education, and media.
Managing Editor: Tong Meng



